{"id":26439,"date":"2026-04-05T11:30:00","date_gmt":"2026-04-05T09:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/?p=26439"},"modified":"2026-04-01T13:48:53","modified_gmt":"2026-04-01T11:48:53","slug":"what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/en\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"What happened in Latin America? Monthly Bulletin of the ALERTA Latam Observatory \u2013 March 2026"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong><u>Regional offensive against civil society: \u201canti-NGO\u201d laws advance<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Amnesty International warns in this <a href=\"https:\/\/www.es.amnesty.org\/en-que-estamos\/noticias\/noticia\/articulo\/americas-estados-i%E2%80%A6-ofensiva-contra-la-sociedad-civil-mediante-leyes-anti-ong\/\">regional analysis<\/a> of an increasingly widespread trend in Latin America: the adoption of laws that restrict the functioning of civil society organisations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These regulations, either in force or under discussion in several countries, impose stricter registration requirements, disproportionate financial controls, and restrictions on access to international funding. In some cases, they provide for sanctions including the suspension of activities, the cancellation of legal personality, or even dissolution. Such measures particularly affect organisations working on human rights, transparency, or accountability, limiting their capacity to operate in already complex contexts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Although they are justified under narratives of transparency or national security, in practice they operate as tools of political control. Their cumulative effect not only limits the operational capacity of NGOs but also creates a climate of self-censorship, reduces international cooperation, and weakens democratic oversight mechanisms, which are fundamental in contexts of institutional fragility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This phenomenon cannot be understood in isolation: it forms part of a broader regional trend of shrinking civic space, where governments increasingly resort to legal instruments to restrict criticism and reduce the capacity of social actors to influence public affairs. In this regard, the offensive against NGOs not only affects specific organisations but has direct implications for democratic quality and the balance of powers in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>El Salvador: mass incarceration and possible commission of crimes against humanity<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A study published in 2026 and analysed by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2026\/mar\/11\/el-salvador-mass-incarceration-crimes-against-humanity-study\">The Guardian<\/a> suggests that the policy of mass incarceration in El Salvador may constitute crimes against humanity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Since the establishment of the state of exception in March 2022, more than 70,000 people have been detained, in many cases without a judicial warrant or sufficient evidence. The report documents systematic patterns of arbitrary detention, temporary disappearances, lack of access to legal defence, and widespread violations of due process, amounting to a de facto suspension of fundamental guarantees. This is compounded by detention conditions marked by extreme overcrowding, limited access to medical care, and repeated allegations of ill-treatment, torture, and deaths in state custody. Various organisations have noted that many individuals remain detained for months without formal charges or any real possibility of judicial review, further aggravating their situation of vulnerability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Far from being isolated excesses, the study suggests that these practices respond to a structured and widespread state policy, one of the key elements for the possible classification as crimes against humanity under international law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Although the model has been presented by the government as a success in reducing violence and criminality, its human rights cost is high. The normalisation of exceptional measures, the expansion of executive power, and the weakening of institutional checks and balances point to a profound deterioration of the rule of law, with risks that extend beyond the short term and affect the country\u2019s democratic quality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>Cuba: structural energy crisis and signs of collapse<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The energy crisis in Cuba reached a critical point in March, when the country experienced a widespread blackout after nearly exhausting its fuel reserves, revealing a situation at breaking point.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>According to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/americas\/international-convoy-delivers-tons-aid-cuba-amid-crisis-2026-03-24\/\">Reuters<\/a>, the arrival of an international convoy with humanitarian aid sought to alleviate the most urgent effects. However, the magnitude of the crisis far exceeds the capacity of such punctual responses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The shortage of fuel has been exacerbated by the reduction of shipments from Venezuela and the tightening of external restrictions, leaving the country virtually without energy supply. In this context, the national electricity grid has suffered recurrent collapses, at times leaving millions of people without power throughout the month.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The consequences are widespread: prolonged blackouts, disruptions in hospitals, paralysis of public transport, and failures in water supply, which depends directly on electricity for pumping. In cities such as Havana, the population has had to queue to access water transported by tanker trucks, reflecting the direct impact of the crisis on daily life. Furthermore, energy shortages have affected strategic sectors such as aviation, with flight suspensions due to lack of fuel, and food production, aggravating food insecurity and highlighting the risk of a larger-scale humanitarian crisis if sustained solutions are not adopted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>Argentina: historical memory in dispute and advances in victim identification<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On the 50th anniversary of the 1976 coup d\u2019\u00e9tat, Argentina once again <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/argentina-dictatorship-coup-anniversary-military-protests-60bcea0fba986e71c16320f502dcfaa4\">mobilised massively<\/a> in cities across the country in defence of memory, truth, and justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>At the same time, in March, a significant advance took place in transitional justice processes: authorities, thanks to the work of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, were able to <a href=\"https:\/\/eaaf.org\/identificacion-de-12-personas-desaparecidas-en-el-ex-centro-clandestino-la-perla\/\">identify the remains of 12 disappeared persons in \u201cLa Perla\u201d<\/a>, one of the main clandestine detention centres during the dictatorship. This finding not only allows progress in justice and reparation for families but also reinforces the value of documentation, forensic records, and memory policies in the fight against impunity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In this context, for various actors within the governing political spectrum, historical memory continues to be a key terrain of political confrontation, as evidenced by the resurgence of denialist discourses, defunding, among many other measures. Likewise, the persistence of tensions during commemorative events reflects how authoritarian legacies continue to shape contemporary politics: historical memory in Argentina is not merely a remembrance of the past but an active factor in the construction of citizenship, human rights, and institutional legitimacy. In this sense, advances in victim identification and transitional justice represent not only a technical achievement but also an indicator of social and political commitment to reparation and non-repetition, which remains as relevant as ever five decades after the coup.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>Mexico City: extreme inequality in urban space<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The report by The Guardian available <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2026\/mar\/12\/mexico-city-neighborhoods-inequality\">here<\/a> shows how inequality in Mexico City manifests itself particularly visibly in the territory. Adjacent neighbourhoods display radical differences in income, quality of infrastructure, access to transport, education, and basic services, evidencing structural urban segregation that has evolved over decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These disparities reflect not only the historical concentration of wealth in certain districts but also insufficient public policies to balance development. In some areas, infrastructure is modern and public services are continuous, while just a few metres away there are zones with irregular access to water, electricity, and transport, as well as high levels of insecurity and housing precariousness. The lack of effective redistributive urban policies has allowed these gaps not only to persist but to widen with urban growth and real estate pressure. This phenomenon is combined with processes of partial gentrification, displacement of vulnerable populations, and limited participatory planning, further restricting access to economic and educational opportunities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The case of Mexico City illustrates a regional pattern: cities concentrate opportunities but also reproduce and amplify historical inequalities, transforming urban space into a tangible reflection of the social gap. In this context, territorial inequality becomes a structural factor of exclusion, affecting not only the quality of life of those living in disadvantaged areas but also social cohesion and long-term urban governance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>Latin America: weak growth and persistence of structural inequalities<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The <a href=\"https:\/\/publications.iadb.org\/en\/2026-latin-american-and-caribbean-macroeconomic-report-resilience-and-growth-prospects-shifting\">latest report by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)<\/a> indicates that Latin America faces a scenario of moderate and highly unequal growth, where economic recovery following the pandemic and recent shocks remains insufficient to reduce historical gaps in poverty and inequality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Although some countries have shown capacity to adapt to external shocks such as commodity price volatility or global inflation, projected growth remains below the levels necessary to generate formal employment and improve income levels among the most vulnerable sectors. This perpetuates wealth concentration and social exclusion in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The report identifies structural factors limiting development: low labour and technological productivity, limited public and private investment, fiscal constraints that hinder the financing of social policies, and limited economic diversification. These elements interact with historical inequalities in education, health, and access to basic services present across most countries, consolidating a fragile growth model that reproduces exclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In this context, the report states that the region faces a dual challenge: on the one hand, maintaining macroeconomic stability in the face of external risks; on the other, implementing structural reforms that allow for a more equitable distribution of growth. Without profound changes in investment, productivity, and redistributive policies, Latin America risks consolidating an economic pattern that combines weak growth with persistent structural inequalities, particularly affecting children, youth, and historically marginalised populations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><u>Colombia: structural violence against women human rights defenders<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The recent <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ohchr.org\/sites\/default\/files\/documents\/countries\/colombia\/20260319-informe-defensoras-colombia-acnudh-es.pdf\">report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner<\/a> highlights the situation of women human rights defenders in Colombia, who face disproportionate and specific risks due to their work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The document records systematic threats, killings, sexual violence, and attacks against family members, as well as stigmatisation campaigns aimed at delegitimising their work. It notes that existing protection mechanisms are insufficient and often ineffective, especially in territories with the presence of illegal armed groups, extractive economies, or drug trafficking routes. Violence against these defenders is neither isolated nor incidental: it constitutes a structural pattern linked to territorial disputes, illegal economies, and institutional weakness. The persistence of threats and attacks reflects a context in which authorities fail to guarantee the protection of human rights or effectively safeguard those who defend them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The report warns of the multiplier effect of this violence: it not only endangers the lives of defenders and their families but also weakens social participation and the democratic fabric more broadly. Insecurity generates self-censorship, limits civic oversight, and obstructs political advocacy, perpetuating impunity and consolidating power structures operating outside state control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In this context, the protection of women defenders requires comprehensive measures combining effective security, access to justice, institutional strengthening, and policies to prevent gender-based violence, with particular attention to territorial dynamics that perpetuate exclusion and vulnerability.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Regional offensive against civil society: \u201canti-NGO\u201d laws advance Amnesty International warns in this regional analysis of an increasingly widespread trend in Latin America: the adoption of laws that restrict the functioning of civil society organisations. These regulations, either in force or under discussion in several countries, impose stricter registration requirements, disproportionate financial controls, and restrictions&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":26444,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1154],"tags":[1244,1272],"class_list":["post-26439","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-newsletter-latam","tag-latam-2","tag-newsletter"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>What happened in Latin America? 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Such measures particularly affect organisations working on human rights, transparency, or accountability, limiting their capacity to operate in already complex contexts.Although they are justified under narratives of transparency or national security, in practice they operate as tools of political control. Their cumulative effect not only limits the operational capacity of NGOs but also creates a climate of self-censorship, reduces international cooperation, and weakens democratic oversight mechanisms, which are fundamental in contexts of institutional fragility.This phenomenon cannot be understood in isolation: it forms part of a broader regional trend of shrinking civic space, where governments increasingly resort to legal instruments to restrict criticism and reduce the capacity of social actors to influence public affairs. In this regard, the offensive against NGOs not only affects specific organisations but has direct implications for democratic quality and the balance of powers in the region.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/en\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"What happened in Latin America? 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Such measures particularly affect organisations working on human rights, transparency, or accountability, limiting their capacity to operate in already complex contexts.Although they are justified under narratives of transparency or national security, in practice they operate as tools of political control. Their cumulative effect not only limits the operational capacity of NGOs but also creates a climate of self-censorship, reduces international cooperation, and weakens democratic oversight mechanisms, which are fundamental in contexts of institutional fragility.This phenomenon cannot be understood in isolation: it forms part of a broader regional trend of shrinking civic space, where governments increasingly resort to legal instruments to restrict criticism and reduce the capacity of social actors to influence public affairs. In this regard, the offensive against NGOs not only affects specific organisations but has direct implications for democratic quality and the balance of powers in the region.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/en\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"FIBGAR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/Fibgar\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-04-05T09:30:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/Copia-de-Copia-de-TW-boletin-observatorio-marzo.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1600\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"900\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Fibgar\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@fibgar_\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@fibgar_\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Fibgar\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"8 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fibgar.es\\\/en\\\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fibgar.es\\\/en\\\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Fibgar\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fibgar.es\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4a7e0cad2b7af0b8051fe6609b753361\"},\"headline\":\"What happened in Latin America? 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Monthly Bulletin of the ALERTA Latam Observatory \u2013 March 2026 - FIBGAR","description":"Regional offensive against civil society: \u201canti-NGO\u201d laws advanceAmnesty International warns in this regional analysis of an increasingly widespread trend in Latin America: the adoption of laws that restrict the functioning of civil society organisations.These regulations, either in force or under discussion in several countries, impose stricter registration requirements, disproportionate financial controls, and restrictions on access to international funding. In some cases, they provide for sanctions including the suspension of activities, the cancellation of legal personality, or even dissolution. Such measures particularly affect organisations working on human rights, transparency, or accountability, limiting their capacity to operate in already complex contexts.Although they are justified under narratives of transparency or national security, in practice they operate as tools of political control. Their cumulative effect not only limits the operational capacity of NGOs but also creates a climate of self-censorship, reduces international cooperation, and weakens democratic oversight mechanisms, which are fundamental in contexts of institutional fragility.This phenomenon cannot be understood in isolation: it forms part of a broader regional trend of shrinking civic space, where governments increasingly resort to legal instruments to restrict criticism and reduce the capacity of social actors to influence public affairs. In this regard, the offensive against NGOs not only affects specific organisations but has direct implications for democratic quality and the balance of powers in the region.","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/en\/what-happened-in-latin-america-monthly-bulletin-of-the-alerta-latam-observatory-march-2026\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"What happened in Latin America? 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Such measures particularly affect organisations working on human rights, transparency, or accountability, limiting their capacity to operate in already complex contexts.Although they are justified under narratives of transparency or national security, in practice they operate as tools of political control. Their cumulative effect not only limits the operational capacity of NGOs but also creates a climate of self-censorship, reduces international cooperation, and weakens democratic oversight mechanisms, which are fundamental in contexts of institutional fragility.This phenomenon cannot be understood in isolation: it forms part of a broader regional trend of shrinking civic space, where governments increasingly resort to legal instruments to restrict criticism and reduce the capacity of social actors to influence public affairs. 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