{"id":27280,"date":"2026-08-15T12:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-08-15T10:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/?p=27280"},"modified":"2026-08-12T15:58:12","modified_gmt":"2026-08-12T13:58:12","slug":"five-years-of-gender-apartheid-in-afghanistan-a-test-for-international-justice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fibgar.es\/en\/five-years-of-gender-apartheid-in-afghanistan-a-test-for-international-justice\/","title":{"rendered":"Five years of gender apartheid in Afghanistan: a test for international justice"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Five years after the Taliban seized Kabul, Afghanistan continues to face one of the world\u2019s most serious humanitarian and human rights crises. The country is in a situation characterised by extreme poverty, dependence on international aid, the deterioration of public institutions and the absence of effective safeguards for the exercise of fundamental freedoms. Millions of people are suffering the consequences of a system that has profoundly weakened the rule of law and restricted the essential rights of the Afghan population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Within this crisis lies a particularly alarming reality: the systematic persecution of women and girls. Since August 2021, the Taliban have built an institutionalised system of gender-based exclusion. Through more than 160 decrees, directives and orders <\/strong>specifically targeting women and girls, they have progressively eliminated their access to education, employment, public participation and essential areas of social life. These measures form part of a broader set of provisions that have transformed discrimination into state policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The restrictions imposed are neither isolated nor temporary decisions. They form part of a deliberate strategy to exclude women from the public sphere and deny them their status as citizens with full rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These prohibitions do not merely constitute an individual violation of rights, but rather an organised system of segregation and domination. This is because inequality is enshrined in law<\/strong>: men and women are subject to different regimes in key areas such as education, work, political participation, freedom of movement, access to justice and family law. Whilst men retain legal rights and capacities that allow them to study, work, participate in public life and move about freely, women and girls face specific prohibitions, restrictions and requirements on the basis of their gender. Discrimination is therefore not limited to the unequal application of certain rules, but permeates the very recognition and exercise of fundamental rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This structure also affects protection against violence and access to justice, creating disparities in women\u2019s ability to report incidents, substantiate the facts and obtain effective protection. Taken together, these laws form a system in which inequality is not an incidental consequence of specific policies, but a structural element of the legal order imposed by the Taliban authorities. Legal segregation based on sex thus becomes the cornerstone of a system of domination that systematically limits the autonomy, participation and rights of Afghan women and girls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Current international criminal law is insufficient to fully address this reality,<\/strong> in that whilst it allows for the prosecution of certain acts committed by the Taliban regime \u2013 the investigation before the ICC is based on the crime of persecution set out in Article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute \u2013 it does not allow for a specific response to the criminality inherent in the system of domination and segregation based on gender.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Consequently, numerous Afghan and international organisations are calling for this reality to be recognised as gender apartheid<\/strong> and for it to be enshrined as a standalone crime under international law, as a means of addressing this structural dimension and tackling the systematic nature of the exclusionary policies imposed on Afghan women and girls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In response to this situation, RAGAA \u2013Rise Against Gender Apartheid in Afghanistan\u2013<\/strong><\/a> was launched, an initiative driven by FIBGAR <\/strong>and People Help<\/strong>, with a threefold aim: to support Afghan victims and women\u2019s rights defenders; to promote legal and political changes that will enable progress towards the recognition of gender apartheid as an international crime; and to raise awareness amongst Spanish institutions and the public about the consequences of normalising a regime built on the exclusion of women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because Afghanistan is not merely a national crisis. It is a test of the international community\u2019s ability to protect human rights when they are systematically under attack.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Five years after the Taliban seized power, Afghanistan represents one of the greatest challenges for international justice<\/strong>. The Afghan case highlights the current limitations of the international legal system in responding to new forms of persecution. Whilst racial apartheid is recognised as an international crime, there is still no standalone legal concept that allows for the institutionalised segregation and exclusion of women on the grounds of gender to be adequately addressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This legal vacuum has far-reaching consequences<\/strong>. If the regime that has institutionalised gender apartheid faces no legal consequences, it sends the message that this type of persecution may carry a low or even non-existent political cost. Without a clear legal framework recognising gender apartheid as a distinct crime, victims face greater obstacles in accessing justice and holding those who design and implement these policies to account.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This lack of accountability does not only affect Afghanistan. It undermines the international human rights framework and opens the door for other actors to believe that the systematic exclusion of women can be imposed without proportionate consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This situation takes on an even more worrying dimension at a time of global regression in the area of gender equality. The weakening of international commitments, cuts in funding for the defence of women\u2019s rights and the growing challenge to the principles of equality have created a context in which the progress achieved over decades is being called into question.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Afghanistan represents the most extreme manifestation of this trend. It shows what happens when discrimination ceases to be an isolated practice and becomes an official state policy. What the international community allows to happen in Afghanistan could set a precedent for any government that believes women\u2019s rights can be restricted without facing consequences.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The European Union\u2019s <\/strong>response is particularly significant in this context. In recent months, the European institutions have been in contact with representatives of the de facto Afghan authorities to address issues relating to migration and deportations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These decisions raise a fundamental question: how can the European Union uphold the rule of law, equality and human rights as core principles of its external action whilst maintaining institutional relations with a regime whose policy is to systematically exclude women from education, employment and public life?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When diplomatic engagement proceeds without clear conditions on human rights, without effective accountability mechanisms and without requirements relating to the protection of fundamental freedoms, it ceases to be a purely practical matter and takes on political significance. The normalisation of relations with a regime that institutionalises gender discrimination sends a worrying message<\/strong>: that the persecution of half the population can be compatible with international diplomatic life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This contradiction <\/strong>does not only affect the response to the situation in Afghanistan. It also calls into question the credibility of the democratic values that the European Union claims to uphold globally.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Behind every Taliban decree lie specific stories. There are girls deprived of their right to an education, students who have lost their future, professionals expelled from their jobs, female judges and human rights defenders forced to abandon their work, and millions of women whose autonomy has been deliberately curtailed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any international response must begin with them. Afghanistan cannot be reduced to a matter of security, migration or regional stability.<\/strong> It is, above all, a matter of human dignity, justice and international responsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Five years after the fall of Kabul, the question is no longer simply how the Taliban managed to consolidate a system of gender apartheid. The real question is what the international community is prepared to do to prevent this form of persecution from becoming an acceptable norm.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recognising gender apartheid as an international crime is not merely a legal demand. It is a necessary step towards ensuring justice for victims, strengthening the fight against impunity and reaffirming a fundamental principle: no state can institutionalise the exclusion of half its population without facing consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is tolerated in Afghanistan today will define the limits of what will be acceptable elsewhere in the world tomorrow.<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Five years after the Taliban seized Kabul, Afghanistan continues to face one of the world\u2019s most serious humanitarian and human rights crises. The country is in a situation characterised by extreme poverty, dependence on international aid, the deterioration of public institutions and the absence of effective safeguards for the exercise of fundamental freedoms. 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Millions of people are suffering the consequences of a system that has profoundly weakened the rule of law and restricted the essential rights of the Afghan population.Within this crisis lies a particularly alarming reality: the systematic persecution of women and girls. Since August 2021, the Taliban have built an institutionalised system of gender-based exclusion. Through more than 160 decrees, directives and orders specifically targeting women and girls, they have progressively eliminated their access to education, employment, public participation and essential areas of social life. 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